
The North OC Community College District’s Measure J bond apparently — albeit barely — made its nut. (Photo from Wikipedia.)
[Update, 12/4, corrected from 12/3]
County certification of election results comes due tomorrow. The LA Registrar of Voters site shows its results as finally having ticked over from “semi-final,” to “final”; its results have not changed since Nov. 25. So, pending any recount, Measure J has passed.
What Happens Now?
What happens now is that I tell you, from memory, about a conversation I had yesterday afternoon with OC Registrar of Voters Neal Kelley, who was kind enough to return my call from the road. Under the circumstances, I didn’t ask him follow-up questions, but here’s the gist of what he had to say.
A recount of any or all precincts in either or both counties can be requested as early as Monday, December 8. The deadline to request a recount would be Friday, December 12. The period to request a recount in Orange County races ended a couple of weeks ago — but thanks to the presence of 16 precincts in Los Angeles County (mostly in La Habra Heights), this is not strictly an Orange County race. The inclusion of those counties may turn out to be expensive for someone — or, if a recount by the “No” side is successful, for everyone, as the County would then cover the tab for labor.
The NOCCCD district received 163,667 of Orange County’s 640,358 ballots cast — just over ¼ of the total. (I’m getting my numbers from the “Statement of the Vote” — an almost 2,500-page PDF at this link which I don’t necessarily suggest you read on your own. Might be wise to trust me on this one.) Neal Kelley estimated, if I understood him correctly, that they would quickly need to put together six tables of vote counters — which if I recall correctly is six people per table — who would need to start almost immediately and would continue on daily until they finished. As a ballpark estimate, this might be $6000 to $7000 for around eight to ten days. (In other words: it could bump into Christmas. And I’m not sure that the crew gets to take off weekends and holidays.) If I understood him correctly, after the recount, the entire county would have to be subject to another 1% canvass, so that adds another 6,404 ballots to the tab, bringing it to about 170,000. (They won’t count only the 150,171 votes actually cast in this race; non-votes have to be veried just as votes do.)
The Register’s contention (see the first link below) that cost estimates for a recount in Los Angeles County begin at $5,054 per day seems unlikely, given that we’re only talking about a little under 4,000 votes in 16 precincts. (That is: I don’t know that courts would uphold such a large “booking fee” on top of the actual cost of what would be 4-6 person-hours of labor. Then again, the cost of a lawsuit to pull down the price of an LA recount may take up a large amount of what could otherwise be saved.)
Beyond that, the notion that an Orange County recount would be as little as anywhere near only $600 per day seems even less likely, given that 150,171 ballots were cast in OC in this race (and the ballots in the areas that left this race off of the ballot also need to be counted, so we’re actually talking about recounting 163,667 ballots.) This compares to the 19,598 votes cast in Garden Grove, where Bruce Browadwater called it off after one day. And this would require a whole lot more people than the OCROV had to hire to recount Broadwater’s race. Those proposing a recount should budget for the prospect of paying $70,000.
Now, if they wanted to do it on the cheap, on the 8th they could request a recount of Los Angeles to begin on the 9th, see what happens, and have a recount of Orange County scheduled to begin thereafter. They could stop on any day, after all; if they pull ahead at some point, the burden would fall on NOCCCD (or other “Yes” proponents) to continue the recall.
They could also do something potentially a little more sketchy: calling for a machine count of machine ballots and a hand-count of paper and provisional ballots. This starts to get into some of the “equal protection” issues raised in Bush v. Gore, especially given that those casting provisional ballots are more likely to be racial and ethnic minorities — and that could mean litigation. Neal Kelley has already made clear that he does not cotton to challenges of signatures on absentee ballots, rejecting 64 of 64 such challenges in Broadwater’s recount. But the real trench warfare would come in provisional ballots — where No on J forces would try to prove that individual voters were not qualified members of the electorate. This can be a very ugly and intensive form of hand-to-hand combat, with individual voters being located and potentially brought into court to prove their legitimate residency.
Batches containing provisional votes came in at about 8-9% more favorable to Measure J than did earlier ones. If we figure that it takes 10 challenged ballots to yield one vote reduction in the 30.21 vote margin (see below), we’re talking about their coming up with 300 provisional ballots that can be successfully challenged, presuming that only about 70-85% of them would affect this race. (And, remember — provisional ballot voters won’t necessarily go all of the way down the ballot.) Orange County had 35,108 provisional ballots overall, so we’d expect maybe 9,000 of them to come from this race. I’m guessing that no more than 8,000 of them cast cotes in this race. So we’re talking between 4% and 5% of those votes — between 320 and 400 — being successfully challenged in order to have about an even chance of overturning the outcome.
That may not seem like much — but it’s a lot. How successful a recount would be at eliminating ballots would depend on the rules that the individual judge placed in charge of the matter would apply — and, of course, on any appellate rulings that might take place during the process as well. If it’s not clear by now why I’ve been obsessing about the exact vote margin in this race, by now it should be.
A Discussion of Marginal Interest
The Register says that Measure J won by a margin of 15 votes. The Register is wrong. The margin was about 30¼ votes, given the 55% margin. The “Yes” side exceeded 55% by a little over 15 votes and the “No” side trailed “>45%” by a little over 15 votes; combined, that’s just over 30.2 votes.
Here’s an exchange I had in the Register’s comments section of their previous article on the topic with Connie Lanzisera (the bond opponent quoted in the article linked above) from my hometown:
Greg Diamond: The margin for Measure J is more like 31 votes. You’re just counting the number of votes by which “Yes” exceeded the 55%% threshold. You also have to count the number of votes by which “No” trailed the 45% threshold, then take their sum. This is what we do without realizing it when we say that Bao Nguyen won by 15 votes: we add the 7.5 votes by which he exceeded the 50% threshold among votes cast only for him and Broadwater to the 7.5 votes by which Broadwater trailed that 50% “tie vote” threshold. (It’s easiest when we’re dealing with a 50% threshold because you compare both totals to the same number.)
You’ve done the equivalent of saying that Bao won by 8 votes (rounding up from 7.5) by counting his surplus but not Broadwater’s deficit. The actual margin here is just over 30.2 votes, which we round to 31. Seriously, ask a UCI math professor if you need to.
Connie Lanzisera: Hmmmmmmmmmm, by my way of calculating this, we need 17 votes removed from the “yes” side and moved to the “no” side and we will be under the 55% threshold. The total “yes” votes divided by total votes is what matters. Can anyone say recount?
Sure, Connie Lanzisera, anyone can say “recount” — but that’s not the same as doing it, which means paying for it. Unless you’re going to ask provisional voters how they voted and then challenge only the ones that voted yes — in which event we will have a serious equal protection problem — every provisional ballot you eliminate will have one of three outcomes: Yes, No, and Neither. When you eliminate a “Yes” vote, you eliminate one from the numerator of the fraction that has to be above 55% and one from the denominator. When you eliminate a “No” vote, you eliminate one from the denominator, but nothing from the numerator. When you eliminate a “Neither” vote, you affect neither numerator nor denominator. Anyone who thinks that it’s a matter of eliminating just 15 provisional ballots is very mistaken. Those ballots are almost as likely to push the percentage of “yes” votes up as they are to pull it down — and every time you subtract a vote from the numerator of the Yes vote, you subtract one from the denominator as well.
I’ll recopy the final vote totals from below:
Bonds – Yes 82,751 + 2,029 = 84,780
Bonds – No 67,420 + 1,918 = 69,338
Total votes – 154,118
Or, in percentage terms:
Bonds – Yes 84,780 = 55.0097976875%
Bonds – No 69,338 = 44.9902023125%
If you were able to surgically remove nothing but Yes votes from the total, you’d need to remove the following numbers to get at these percentages — and I’m giving you a range of them so that you can get the flavor of how much each vote matters:
30 (84,750/154,088) = 55.0010383677%
33 (84,747/154,085) = 0.55000162245%
34 (84,746/154,084) = 54.9998702007%
35 (84,745/154,083) = 54.9995781494%
40 (84,740/154,078) = 54.9981178364%
So removing 33 votes isn’t enough; you need 34.
But, of course, you can’t surgically remove only “yes” votes; you challenge the ballots while they are still “in the wrapper.” (You can fight your hardest to eliminate a ballot and then find out that, surprise!, it would have favored you.) To get a net reduction of one vote, on average (if the provisionals are 10% more favorable towards Measure J than are other votes — 60% vs. 50%) you may need to challenge about 6 of them for each vote you need. So, for example, successfully challenging 240 votes means that you’ll eliminate 40 votes for Neither, and of the remaining 200 you’d eliminate 120 Yes votes and 80 No votes — just enough to win. But slight changes in the expected percentages of how many vote this way, (or vote at all) among the population of successfully challenged ballots, as well as random fluctuations, can still leave you behind.
I think that, for someone with $100,000 or more to spend, a recount might be worth trying. But, I don’t expect it to change the result unless the luck of the draw brings forth a judge who dislikes provisional voters and disrespects Neal Kelley.
[Update, 11/25]
Contrary to the hypothesis in the previous update, we were not done. Another 22 votes have trickled in — 15 of them Yes on Measure J and 7 of them No votes. As with that last batch, that is over 2/3 support when only 55% is needed, so unless LA has some huge “Damaged Ballot Reversal” like that which stopped Jay Humphry’s surge cold in Costa Mesa, the outcome remains determined. Is such a reversal possible, thought? Until they’re done done counting, the answer remains “yes.” But they say that they’re now down to their 1% canvass, so only a handful of votes might change in LA County, and those could change in either direction.
The new results from LA County are: 2029 Yes and 1918 No. That means that 15 Yes Votes and 7 No votes were added — that’s 68.18% of the new batch, much like the supposedly statistically shocking 63% and 64% that late updates to the OC figures brought (when, most likely, some provisional ballots got added to the mix.)
So our new totals are:
Bonds – Yes 82,751 + 2,029 = 84,780
Bonds – No 67,420 + 1,918 = 69,338
Total votes – 154,118
Or, in percentage terms:
Bonds – Yes 84,780 = 55.0097976875%
Bonds – No 69,338 = 44.9902023125%
The Register, by the way, misstates the margin as being 15 votes. If 15 votes were to switch from Yes to No, the measure would have 55.0000648853% of the vote — still enough to win; it would take switching 16 votes to pull the total below 55.000…%. But “how many votes switching would it take to reverse the result?” is not the right measure. If it were, we would say that Bao Nguyen won by 8 votes rather than by 15, because a switch of only 8 votes would have reversed the result.
The right way to do this, I believe, is to add up the number of votes by which the Yes vote exceeds the “exactly 55%” margin and add to that the number of votes by which the No vote trails the “exactly 45%” margin. This is essentially what we do in Garden Grove when we add together the 7.5 votes by which Bao exceeds the average — the 50% mark — between him and Broadwater with the 7.5 votes by which Broadwater trails that 50% threshold of the two-candidate count to get 15. (This matches the margin between the votes because we’re using a 50% threshold of the number of votes cast for those two candidates. The trick when it’s not a 50% margin is that we have to calculate the leader’s lead and the trailer’s deficit separately with respect to the number that each had to hit.)
So: 55% of 154,118 is 84764.9 votes. The “Yes” vote exceeds that threshold by 15.1 votes.
And: 45% of 154,118 is 69,353.1 votes. The “No” vote trails that threshold by 15.1 votes. They would still have lost if they hit exactly 45, though, so let’s add .01 to that.
Combine them, and Measure J wins by 30.21 votes. I believe that we would have to round up, though, and say that it wins by 31 votes. But I’m open the disagreement on that point.
In any event: it’s not “15 votes” unless you’re going to say that Bao won by 8 — which he did not. You have to count both the surplus and the deficit. Only Chris Nguyen and I may care about this, and I’m not even sure about him.
[Update, 11/22]
We may be done. It’s not clear whether Friday’s update is the final one, or what we’re supposed to read into the term “semi-final,” if it isn’t.
The new results from LA County are: 2014 Yes and 1911 No. That means that 41 Yes Votes and 20 No votes were added — that’s 67.21% of the new batch, much like the supposedly statistically shocking 63% and 64% that late updates to the OC figures brought (when, most likely, some provisional ballots got added to the mix.)
So our new totals are:
Bonds – Yes 82,751 + 2,014 = 84,765
Bonds – No 67,420 + 1,911 = 69,331
Total votes – 154,096
Or, in percentage terms:
Bonds – Yes 84,765 = 55.0079171426%
Bonds – No 69,331 = 44.9920828574%
How close is this, presuming that it’s over? We can ask and answer that question in at least three four ways:
1) How many votes would have to switch from Yes to No for it to lose?
That would be 13. An 84,753 to 69,343 margin (12 votes switching) would be 55.0001297892%. An 84,752 to 69,344 margin (13 votes switching) would be 54.9994808431%.
2) How many Yes votes would have to be subtracted for it to lose?
You’d have to subtract 28 Yes votes. Subtracting 27 would leave a fraction of 84,738/154,069 = 55.0000324530%. Subtracting 28 would leave a fraction of 84,737/154,068 = 54.9997403744%.
3) How many No votes would have to be added for it to lose?
You’d have to add 23 No votes. Adding 22 would leave a fraction of 84,765/154,118 = 0.550000648853%. Adding 23 would leave a fraction of 84,765/154,119 = 54.9997080178%.
4) What is the sum of the margin by which the Yes votes exceed 55% and the No votes trail 44%+1/∞?
This is actually the correct method, and I show how it’s done with the next update above. With a 50% threshold, this calculation is simplified to just subtracting the “No” total from the “Yes” total, which is the same as calculating (Yes – 50%) plus (50% – No).
So, however you slice it, this race falls in between Costa Mesa’s 47-vote margin and Garden Grove’s 15-vote margin — a little closer to the latter. (The difficulty of figuring all of this out is a good argument for requiring only 50%+1 of the vote, because these calculations with a 55% margin are pretty nasty.) Maybe some people on the No side will be willing to gamble about 6 times as much as will be required for the Garden Grove recount to try to shoot it down, but I doubt it — and if they try it, I doubt that it will reverse the results.
[Update, 11/19]
Where did we leave off with Measure J, which needs 55% support — not rounded off, but meaning more than 54.9999999999…% — to pass? Let’s see: before those last 50 paper ballots, the score was this:
Bonds – Yes 82,733, 55.10316900001%
Bonds – No 67,409, 44.89683099999%
Add 18 yes votes and 11 no votes — 62.0689655172%, if anyone’s wondering — and we get this distribution of our 150,171 votes:
Bonds – Yes 82,751, 55.1045141872%
Bonds – No 67,420, 44.8954858128%
But that, of course, does not settle the issue. The issue will be settled in La Harbra Heights (and a couple of blocks to its west.) And that means that we’re waiting on the final returns from Los Angeles.
As faithful OJB readers know, the Los Angeles results from last weekend were this:
Bonds – Yes 1.946, 51.0627131986%
Bonds – No 1,865, 48.9372868013%
Which, combined with the previous OC total, was:
Bonds – Yes 82,733+1,946=84,679, 55.0031503121%
Bonds – No 67,409+1,865=69,274, 44.9968496879%
For some of us — me, Chris Nguyen, and probably at least several others — this sort of thing is exciting.
Well, I have good news for those few of us who care: LA updated its count yesterday! It’s now:
Bonds – Yes 1.973, 51.0627131986%
Bonds – No 1,891, 48.9372868013%
That’s an addition of 27 “Yes” votes and 26 “No” votes. In other words, 50.9433962264% to 49.0566037736%. That’s as close to the previous percentage as you can get with a mere handful of votes.
[Note: this next section has been corrected]
So, in real time as a type, I’m going to calculate the new percentage across the two counties:
Bonds – Yes 82,751 + 1,973 = 84,724
Bonds – No 67,420 + 1891 = 69,311
Total votes – 154,035
From which we calculate:
Bonds – Yes 84,724, 55.0030837147%
Bonds – No 69,311, 44.9969162853%
Measure J is still passing. And, if LA continues to come in at exactly 50% of the vote for Yes, it will continue to pass unless LA gets at least 96 more votes, at which point it would lose with 54.9999675601%. (Actually, I only presume that that would be a loss. Unless there’s a statute that specifies that you only go to seven or fewer significant digits past the decimal point, at least it loses in my courtroom.) If only 94 votes come in at a 50% approval rate, it wins with 55.0000324404%.
We’ll update this post as we become aware that new LA returns have come in — or stopped doing so.
* * * * *
Here’s an interesting question, though. The clock on the five days allotted to request a recount is ticking. (And remember, this is about a quarter of the county, so it’s going to be really expensive.) Let’s say that LA hasn’t finished counting before then. Do either proponents or opponents have to call for a recount proactively, just in case LA puts them on the losing end — or can they wait?
I think that they can wait. But if I had a lot riding on the answer, I’d be calling the ROV’s office pretty soon — if I hadn’t already.
* * * * *
As the question of how NOCCCD marketed the ballot measure has become a source of controversy here, I went to their page to find what they said there. Here’s their description of what it will do:
Measure J
The North Orange County Community College District Board of Trustees voted unanimously on July 22, 2014 to place Measure J – the Fullerton/Cypress Colleges Repair and Student/Veteran Job Training Measure – on the November 4, 2014 ballot.
If approved by voters in the fall, Measure J would provide Fullerton College, Cypress College and local continuing education programs with $574 million for significant upgrades to technical job training facilities, aging classrooms, and veteran amenities.
“This is about staying relevant well into the future,” NOCCCD Chancellor Dr. Ned Doffoney said. “Many of our campus classrooms and buildings were constructed 50-80 years ago. As a result, students are learning science and other technical, in-demand disciplines with greatly outdated labs and technology. To keep high-paying jobs in our area and attract more high-tech jobs, we need facilities that have the capacity to keep up with the educational and job-training demands of our times.”
Key Measure J investment priorities include:
- Upgrades to antiquated science labs, lecture halls, technology and instructional equipment to better prepare students for growing fields of study and high-skill careers.
- Enhancements of classroom space and training centers for future nurses, firefighters and other first responders, as well as technically-trained workers.
- Expansion of veterans’ facilities and services as well as job-placement centers to train and re-train veterans as they transition into the civilian workforce.
Improvements also call for general health and safety repairs, energy-efficiency enhancements, and other needed facility renovations on each of the District’s three campuses.
The Board’s decision follows a June poll suggesting Measure J could be a success. Nearly 72% of likely voters surveyed recognized a funding need and indicated support of the measure.
“The community understands the value of our institutions.” said NOCCCD Board of Trustees President Jeff Brown. “More local residents than ever are relying on our high quality and affordable education programs to prepare them for competitive job opportunities or for transfer to CSU or UC campuses. We need to make sure that we’re able to continue to equip them with the skills they need to succeed.”
Passage of Measure J would amount to a projected $14.90 per $100,000 assessed value for property owners, and would include citizen oversight and regular audits to assure accountability and transparency. By law, funds from facility bond measures can only be spent on buildings, classrooms or instructional equipment. No bond funds can be spent on administrator pensions or salaries.
To pass this November 4th, Measure J would need a 55% approval rating vote by voters falling within NOCCCD boundaries, which include the cities of: Anaheim, Fullerton, Yorba Linda, Cypress, Buena Park, Placentia, Brea, La Habra, La Habra Heights, La Palma, Los Alamitos, Placentia, Rossmoor, Garden Grove, La Mirada, Orange, Seal Beach, Stanton and Whittier.
Now, did they market it that way, or in the way most advantageous to its passing? Let’s just say that they did the same as pretty much everyone else tried to sell voters on their candidates or positions, so it one wants to call people out for that sort of thing, they’re not going to be anywhere near the front of the line. Campaigning on one of one’s top three bullet points is pretty good by comparison to most efforts.
Wow. That was close. And now, it’s finally done.
So does the No on J campaign really want to spend on a recount?
There was no No on J campaign that I ever heard about. Too bad because had there been one it would have failed. It would certainly be in the interests of some large property owner within the district to try a recount.
Wouldn’t it be in the interest of North OC property owners to have good community colleges?
Well, we gave them $250,000,000 just ten years ago. The first thing they did was buy and renovate new ten-story HQ for their administration.
Oh, sorry, what was your question, again?
And now that I think of it I will be shocked if there isn’t a recount. I’d go for those LA ballots first and then start looking at the provisional ballots.
Never mind — despite the Register story stating a 28-day post-election time limit for certification, the SOS site says that they have until Friday. So I am taking this post down until Saturday.
Greg I found the headline to your article that a recount would be “hella expensive” somewhat ironic and even humorous since so much was at stake.
A 574 million dollar bond issue to be paid back with interest over 36 years at a total cost of approximately 1 billion dollars for property owners and you call a recall which could cost anywhere from 10,000 to 40,000 dollars expensive.
40,000 dollars (the potential cost of the recount) divided by 1,000,000,000 dollars (the cost to property owners in the district to pay back the bond) equals .004%.
Call me crazy but the chance to save 1 billion dollars by spending upwards of 40,000 does not sound expensive to me at all.
So true Barry: a 36 year albatross around our necks courtesy of a campaign that exploited patriotism (the last refuge of the scoundrel) to drum up a victory.
A recount would be small potatoes to some of the larger property owners in north OC compared to the 36-year total encumbrance.
I still want to know what happened to the last quarter billion (half a billion when to count interest) bond that has 15 years of payments and years of audits missed.
Your good governance questions are good ones, David. But they have nothing to do with whether a fair recount would show that this bond did or did not legitimately pass. Your mentioning targeting provisional voters is a huge red flag for me. I remember following the 2008 Minnesota Senate recount very closely and found it disgusting.
And when “hella” is followed by a word, such as “expensive,” that begins with a vowel, I think we should make the rule that it’s “hell OF.”
HELL OF EXPENSIVE.
Sorry, carry on…
“Hella” is already improper English; it sneers at your rules. It’s like “gotta.” “Gotta” doesn’t care what rules you apply to “got to” or “have to” or “must.”
Strenuously disagree. Even rebel words need to follow their own rules or they don’t work. Try saying “hella expensive.” It’s hell of awkward. Listen to anyone who actually uses that neologism in real life rather than the occasional blog title, and you will hear: two forms, one preceding words that begin with a consonant and one preceding words that begin with a vowel: “Hella” or “hell of” – just like standard English’s “a” or “an.”
Candid comments on the semantics…reminds me of my working years in Project Management dealing with verbiage on contracts, proposals, and MOU’s with the use of “shall, will” along with may or can et. al. Using “a” or “an” is quite basic English grammer….too much tweeting going on these days with a lack of understanding and yes command of the English language.
Oh yes I make mistakes too and really love spell check to keep me honest
But spellcheck hasn’t caught up with “hell of” vs “hella.”
Vern … should not take long. Have you seen the latest editions to the Oxford dictionary? Makes you really wonder on the direction of social evolution.
Kelsey Grammer, but English grammar.
Your estimate is off. It would probably cost no less than $50,000 if you saw it through to the end. 7-8 days at $6000-%7000 per day — as I write in the story itself. (Gotta read past the headline, Barry.) And that doesn’t count the costs of litigation.
By the standards of Orange County recalls, it would be extremely expensive. By the standards of jet planes and major university endowments, it would be cheap. By the standard of how much money wouldn’t be spent without out it, it would be cheap. By the standard of political fundraising in Orange County, it would be expensive. But Tony Bushala, for example, could easily cover the cost if he chose. (I just don’t think that it will be successful. so it may be disappointing.)
As you should know, I am willing to upend my life and work for the possibility of no money or money way down the line if I think that a bond proposal is either a rip-off to consumers (including consumers of housing) or an affront to democracy, so I am not opposed in principle to you, Ryan, Zenger, and whoever else putting one together. I do think, though, that you may be wrong on the merits.
First, unlike the Anaheim Convention Center expansion, this one isn’t an affront to democracy (because there has been a vote.) You may not care much about that, but I do. Second, while no reasonable scenario suggests that the ACC expansion would leave Anaheim’s taxpayers and its average resident better than if it didn’t go through, this is not necessarily a ripoff of the area’s homeowners and renters. Having a strong educational system — which increasingly, given the costs of college tuition, means community colleges as well — in the area boosts your property values. (The effect that Troy High School has had on values of Fullerton properties that feed into it is an extreme recent local example of this, but it works in the area more broadly as well.) That means that this bond would need to be judged on its merits, because it’s not obviously absurd. If I thought that it was just driven by enriching construction companies and Wall Street investment bankers, I’d oppose it, but I know some good and discerning people (like Mike Matsuda) on the NOCCCD Board to whom I’d give some benefit of the doubt.
I recognize that such bond money can be wasted; I’m not sure if you recognize that it can also be legitimate. One of my daughters has attended the Anaheim Campus for a vocational program; both my wife and another daughter have attended Fullerton College — and barring a scholarship somewhere my youngest daughter probably will as well.) My sense is that it really does need more money to address the needs of its growing community. (My daughter had to take three years to get the classes she needed to transfer to Fullerton College, just because they weren’t available. And I have more tales to tell along those lines.) Do some college faculty and administrators get paid too much? Yes, I think that some do. Do they tend to have an “edifice complex” leading them to build more big buildings than needed? Yes. Is there a way to cut that fat without cutting muscle and tendons? Not always clearly so. And right now, I think that meeting the educational needs of the lower middle and working classes (and those below that) is pretty overriding.
But I think that it’s all arguable — and I certainly prefer an ascetic educational administration where that’s possible, as I suspect that you do. (The bigger problem, from my perspective, is from the for-profit schools that hoover up student loan money and then spit out their students like husks — and I find that most libertarians take that far less seriously than they should, because “private profit.”)
So I’d expect to be an observer in this fight that you may want to have, unless one thing happens: if you start to subvert the democratic process in the interests of blocking the bond. I have no problem with a fair recount; I have huge problems with an unfair recount that aims to intimidate and rip the franchise out of the hands of voters, especially those likelier to cast provisional ballots. The minute that proponents of the recount start to remind me of Curt Pringle posting his poll guards to suppress legitimate votes — something that I hope you will not do, if it does go forward — is the minute that it becomes my civic duty as an election lawyer to stand in the way. That’s not because I love big bonds, but because I love equal rights to exercise the franchise, and I’ve seen lots of recounts where that principle quickly gets kicked to the curb.
Now, tell me how inexpensive $50,000 (or $100,000) is after you’ve tried to raise it!
“I recognize that such bond money can be wasted; I’m not sure if you recognize that it can also be legitimate.”
And pigs may evolve into flying creatures someday if we wait long enough.
The last bond was approved (barely) 12 years ago – half a billion including interest with projects beset by mismanagement, CEQA abuse, and blackened by the purchase and fabulously expensive acquisition of the old hospital for an administrative Taj Mahal. The board is worthless and the oversight committee a joke from the start. There were years of missed (or just ignored) audits.
And now another billion just a decade later? Sorry, no sale – not even for that fabulous work the district will do for its few hundred vet students.
Those contentions (which I won’t engage because that’s pre-election business, other than your fundraising for a recount) may justify a fair recount. Is a fair recount what you have in mind? Or is it one targeting Latino, Black, student, and poor white precincts, hoping that a few individual voters — not ones who actively committed fraud — may not want to come forward into the harsh light of public scrutiny and potentially personal attacks and intimidation in order to defend their right to vote? That’s what the analogy to Curt Pringle’s poll monitors is about. Is that going to be the chosen path?
If you’re interested, I’ll try to find some voting rights experts who can advise you on how such a recount might be done ethically — if it is to be done at all. You should read up on the recount where Al Franken was elected as U.S. Senator from Minnesota in the meantime. Ugly stuff, stuff you should not want to repeat, even if you guys regret having dropped the ball on this one.
given the areas from which the votes were cast, it would be easy, but yes expensive, to find the votes necessary to take the tally below 55%